What follows is a series of ethics lessons by the esteemed scholar, Allameh Mesbah Yazdi, on 'Political Ethics and Ethical Politics.' The first part of this series, titled 'Conceptualization of Ethics, Politics, and Islam,' introduces the concepts of ethics, the general use of ethics, its application in the science of ethics, the concept of politics, and both the common and scholarly uses of political terminology. Finally, the scholar examines the relationship between Islam, ethics, and politics.

One may say that The Open Society and Its Enemies (OS) offered in 1945 the first complete elaboration of the general approach proposed by Karl Popper, namely his ‘critical rationalism’, a bold generalization of the fallibilist falsificationism in the domain of the empirical sciences masterly proposed in Logik der Forschung (1934). The political content of The OS has been critically discussed. Nevertheless, not all people insist on the equally important moral dimension of the book, giving it its unity, I submit. Without morality, no critical discussion, no reason, no open society, let us say in a nutshell. I would argue that according to Popper, a strictly Christian morality of love would not be the appropriate emotional companion of critical rationalism, but that the less demanding moral emotion of sympathy or compassion is perhaps necessary to give it its force against violence. I give some support to this line of argument. In my view, Popper proposed a somewhat unarticulated critical rationalist ‘emotivism’ of sorts. The emotion of compassion is necessary for triggering our moral decisions and values, which are the ultimate basis of the choice for a reason against violence.

Man's salvation is the of the Transcendent Philosophy, and the key to this happiness is the entelechy of man's rational soul in the light of theoretical philosophy and general guidelines of practical philosophy attained through the mystic journey and the trans-substantial motion.The first basic question in this regard targets the place and role of politics and government in Sadrian practical wisdom. This question concerns both their station, i.e., existence, and their functions and effects in the Transcendent Philosophy.The second basic question concerns the necessity of utopia. Without political organization and the establishment of utopia, politics and government will not have any certain effect and, instead of influencing social life, will remain useless and unproductive alongside individual life.The third basic question concerns the role of leadership and management in utopia and the development, evolution, and transcendence of society.The fourth fundamental question is related to religiousness and politics, in utopia. On the one hand, man is at the center of politics and a part of it, and, on the other, religiousness is the cause of man's existence. Is this relation a philosophical and ontological one or a governmental and accident alone? In Mulla Sadra's practical wisdom, law has a quid dative role. Without law utopia cannot be realized. Nevertheless, the question is which law and honor consolidate the pillars of utopia and are the causes of its continuity. The focus of this paper is on the "transcendent law" upon which utopia is based. Likewise, Sadrian politics and government and the Transcendent Philosophy will not attain perfection without transcendent law. The secret of the Sadrian utopia is this law, and, perhaps, in the light of clarifying the transcendent law and its role in practical wisdom and Sadrian politics and government, a ray illuminates the horizon and the outlook of future.The last basic question in this regard concerns the role of transcendent politics, government, and practical philosophy in man's future government and politics. Will the people of the future need Mulla Sadra's philosophy and political thought? Will future politics and governments search for the elements of Mulla Sadra's practical wisdom? The utopia of the Transcendent Philosophy is related to the future, and we can discuss it following a futuristic view and approach.

The Rohingya people are the native inhabitants of Arakan (Rakhine) land in Myanmar, who have faced a series of crimes by the Myanmar army and government. Based on the norms and regulations of international and customary international law and the principles of international criminal law and considering the incidents that occurred against the religious minority group of Rohingya Muslims, the continuous violation of human rights and the occurrence of the crime of genocide by the Myanmar government are a matter of fact. There are numerous examples of deliberate actions, which prove the governmental steps to eliminate the Rohingya group, and deliberate measures, which cause the international responsibility of the Myanmar government. Iran has raised three specific positions regarding the Rohingya Muslim crisis.The major question of the research is to evaluate the occurrence or non-occurrence of violations of international criminal law, the crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity by the Myanmar army and government against the Muslim minority in Rakhine state.The hypothesis emphasizes the definite occurrence of violations of humanitarian law and international criminal law, especially committing crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. The purpose of the research is to examine one of the important cases of violation of Muslim rights in today's world, which has not been noticed by international legal societies. It tries to discuss briefly the Iranian positions on the Issue. The analytical-descriptive research method is based on official docs and undeniable facts, especially the documents issued by the International Criminal Court.

ABSTRACT Right to the city is one of the most important citizenship rights that can be reduced for women under different circumstances. In this mixed research, with in-depth and semi-structured interviews, a conceptual model has been presented to explain the causal, contextual and interventional conditions effectively reducing women's right to the city. Then, with the structural equation modeling, the causal conditions affecting the right to the city have been investigated. Family, ethnicity, and physical and mental conditions were the most important background conditions that 32 women living in Ahvaz pointed to in order to influence the right to the city. Also, the participants considered politics and government institutions, law, and spatial policies as the most important intervention in the women's right to the city. City security, favorable actions with the city space, space-positive gender performance, and social welfare were among the most important causal conditions that the participants mentioned in increasing women's right to the city. Causal modeling showed that the most influential reason for reducing women's right to the city of Ahvaz is urban space security, followed by urban policies and designs. By multiplying the causal path, it is 0.84, followed by urban planning and design with a coefficient of 0.79. Governmental and executive institutions should pay more attention to women's right to the city through the establishment of better laws, the design of suitable spaces with individual differences, especially gender, and, of course, with an emphasis on women. The creation of safer places in the city for women while increasing the livability of the city for citizens improves women's rights in urban spaces Extended abstract Introduction The right to the city is a universal right consisting of several instances. Since the right to the city enables the city inhabitants to access and enjoy the urban life benefits freely, it is tantamount to the right to freedom. The right to the city, the right to freedom of building and rebuilding cities, is one of the most valuable and, at the same time, the most neglected human rights. Among governments, NGOs (Non-Governmental Organizations) and political activists in all scales, the right to the city is often conceived in a legal meaning. In this sense, the right to city includes a set of distinct rights to urban resources and services, shelter, public space, clean water, and education that must be available to all, regardless of social or economic status, the bearers of such rights are urban dwellers and their guarantor is the government. This legal conception of the right to the city emphasizes universal and individual rights in the global liberal institutional order. The ultimate normative purpose of a legal right to the city is that the government legally encodes and enforces the set of rights constituting the right to the city. Justice and equality have been considered since long ago; however, injustice and discrimination are still visible in cities. Among all kinds of injustices and discrimination, gender equality has been a subject marginalized in all ages. In Iran, the need for urban spaces for women in accordance with the civil needs of citizens in daily life is felt. In Iran, factors such as various types of urban violence and insecurity, which generally make women victims, have reduced the possibility and desire for their presence and participation in public. Because the spatial, temporal, official and unofficial divisions in the city have caused some spaces to remain far from the reach of women. In this research, we intend to deal with the most important factors that cause women not to enjoy one of their most essential human rights, which is the right to the city.   Methodology This research, which is practical in terms of purpose, has been done with a confirmatory mixed method; first, it tried to present the most important contextual, interventional, and causal factors effective in reducing the right to the city of women in the form of a conceptual model by the approach of grounded theory, and then confirming the defined causal structure with the help of structural equations modeling. The population in this research is Iranian women who are exposed to gender injustice and do not have the right to a desirable city. Research participants have a deep experience of undermining their right to the city and are interested in sharing it and cooperating with the researcher. Sampling was purposefully selected from women with the least amount of the right to the city. The qualitative sample of the research was 32 people, and the quantitative sample was 420 people. Due to the mixed nature of the research and the use of the data-driven theory approach and, afterwards, structural equations to collect the data, the interview was used in the qualitative phase and questionnaires in the quantitative phase. The interviews were done in-depth, face-to-face and semi-structured. The open-ended interview questions were conducted in a calm environment without the presence of a third person, and the time of the interviews varied according to the conditions of the interviewee. The questionnaire used in the research has ascertained an instrument that evaluates the contextual and causal components and factors related to the right to the city in the form of self-declaration items. The data obtained from the interview, after being implemented in the form of text, were analyzed and classified with the help of directed content analysis. In order to investigate the causal structure of the right to the city, structural equation modeling would have been helpful. Analyzes were performed with the help of LISREL 8.8. To estimate the causal path coefficients, the iterated maximum likelihood method was used and the overall fit of the causal structure model of women’s right to the city was carried out by Chi-square statistic. And, of course, the most important fit indexes of the model, such as absolute fit indexes, incremental fit indexes and Parsimonious Normed Fit Indexes (PNFI).   Results and discussion Directed content analysis helped us to identify the factors reducing the right to the city and its subclasses of Iranian women. Conditions affecting women's right to the city are divided into underlying conditions, causal conditions, and intervening conditions. The most critical underlying conditions were family, age, ethnicity, and physical and mental characteristics. At the same time, environment security, urban actions, social welfare, and space gender functions constituted the essential intervening conditions, and politics, governmental institutions, law, and city spatial policies included the most important intervening conditions. Causal modeling also showed that the factors influencing women's right to the city are the most influential to the least influential in the form of (1) security of the city environment, (2) urban policy-making, (3) gender function of space, and (4) interaction with the city. Security is one of the most important and influential factors that can decrease or increase the right to the city for women.   Conclusion The right to the city, which is considered one of the most fundamental rights of citizens, is trampled or reaches its lowest level due to underlying reasons such as the gender of individuals or their families. In this case, women are more vulnerable than the men. In such a way, causal conditions such as environmental security or urban actions and, of course, welfare have made this gender difference in the use of city space deeper and more complicated. Meanwhile, the role of governments and sovereignty in legislation and policies should not be neglected to reduce the right to city for women. Our explicit suggestion is for governmental institutions and executive agencies to pay more attention to women’s right to the city through the establishment of better laws, the design of more suitable spaces in the city, the design of urban spaces away from any gender discrimination only with the view of equal access for all and the creation of safer places for the women living in Ahvaz.   Funding There is no funding support.   Authors’ Contribution All of the authors approved the content of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work.   Conflict of Interest Authors declared no conflict of interest.   Acknowledgments We are grateful to all the scientific.

The paper offers a distinctive reading of Popper’s work, suggesting that his Logic of Scientific Discovery (LScD) might be re-interpreted in the light of his Open Society. Indeed, Popper can be interpreted as criticising certain aspects of his first book, and as a result improving upon them, in his second. It suggests translating what Popper says about ‘conventions’ into his later vocabulary of ‘social institutions’. Looking back, I believe that Popper never intended the language of conventions and decisions to be read individualistically. I remain unsure whether Popper was himself quite as clear about this as he could have been.  My reading makes Popper a pioneer in the sociology of science. Scientific institutions are arenas of political power; but Popper did not discuss the structure and inter-relations of the social institutions of science, or offer a politics of science in the context of his methodology. What is missing from the skeletal sociology of LScD is the politics. We could put it in Popperian terms this way: scientific institutions are both open and closed. They are closed, firmly, to the inexpert, to the non-members; supposedly they are open to the qualified, provided the prerogatives of seniority and leadership are acknowledged. Despite these shortcomings, Popper’s critical and rational approach and his insistence on openness and intellectual honesty are still important today.

The goal of this paper is to study the political and social aspects of the poem of Iran's well-known contemporary poet, Parvin Etesami. Comparing not only to all contemporary female poets, but to many male poets of the same period, Parvin worked more on social and political issues. One of the major and dominant political and social characteristics of Parvin's poem is the preference of social justice over political liberties. Nevertheless, Parvin's poem is also the reflection of her contradictory views on social and political matters and problems. The author believes that this contradiction is resulted from the contemporary effects of the social context and political-social currents of her time on one hand and cultural manifestations of Iran's literary heritage particularly theosophical and pantheistic heritage on the other hand.

This paper examines the liberal society that Popper lauds, that aims to be truly open, and discusses why another, more communitarian kind of society, particularly societies in Africa, may also reflect the quest for intellectual openness that is Popper’s ideal. Moreover, this paper avers reasons why Popper should be comfortable with such a liberal-communitarian mix. The inter-subjectivity in his critical rationalism is a balance of an explicit individualism, and an implicit social element (Afisi, 2016a). Popper is indeed an author of such a balance. For a society to be truly open requires the careful recognition and protection of individual freedom. However, the extent to which individuals are free to perform actions that they desire without external constraints, and the level of their individuality in relation to others when performing such actions, remain a contentious issue between liberals and more communitarian thinkers. Popper’s critical rationalism provides the necessary impetus to this contention through his view of freedom that I contend can best be viewed as carefully balanced, a view which combines individuality with a social element that upholds community values necessary for openness of society. With this combination, Popper’s politics of liberalism provides an effective model of how a truly open society can be achieved. The values inherent to Popper’s liberalism including those concerning intellectual openness, individual freedom, mutual respect, measured self-respect, welfarism, humanitarianism, accountability, critical debates and feedback from the citizens, together concern the conditions for a society to be truly open. There are many competing thoughts as to what openness might be in Popper’s philosophy. The present study of Popper does not presume to address them all. The focus here is specifically on using Popper’s idea of critical rationalism to balance relations between liberal politics of individual rights and freedom, and communitarian politics of the common good, as it relates to situations about how socio-economic and political conditions in Africa societies should be structured. While I contend that Popper’s works in political philosophy focused centrally on Western political tradition, and not about Africa in its strict sense, significant lessons can be distilled from Popper that can offer suggestions on social reforms in Africa. This paper explores Popper’s project of the open society across the plurality and differences of societies, so that his liberal ideas of individual freedom are not undermined, and the progress of the communitarian idea of the common good, that Africa societies are built upon, is also well enhanced. Liberal individualism and community values inherent to communitarianism are both well accommodated within Popper’s critical rationalism.

Due to having spring and autumn genotypes and adaptation to weather conditions, rapeseed is considered as a point hope to provide edible oil of country. Two separate experiments were set up as split-plot in a RCBD design with three replications in two fall and winter seasons during two years (2014-2015 and 2015-2016) at the research field of Seed and Plant Improvement Institute to investigate the effect of sowing season and date on the quantitative and qualitative yields of rapeseed genotypes in Karaj, Iran. In this study, the main plots were sowing dates (7, 17, and 27 October in fall sowing and 9 and 19 February, and 1 March in winter sowings) and sub-plots consisted of genotypes (RGS003, Dalgan, Zabol10, Hyola401, and Hyola4815). Rapeseed genotypes grain and oil yields were 4330 and 1840 kg ha-1 in fall sowing, respectively, while these traits were decreased 43.3 and 46.6% respectively, when rapeseed genotypes were planted in winter season. The highest grain and oil yields (5033 and 2202 kg ha-1) belonged to 7 October sowing date in fall sowing, while 9 February had the highest grain and oil yields (2996 and 1248 kg ha-1) in winter sowing. In general, the Dalgan genotype is recommended for cultivation due to suitable agronomic traits such as number of silique per plant, number of grain per silique, silique length, 1000-grain weight, as well as high grain and oil yields in cold temperate regions with arid and semi-arid climates such as Karaj, Iran.

Lactation length is different in individual cows, which is generally converted to a 305-day standard using curve fitting models for genetic and management practices. Individual curves do not have a standard shape in all cases, and can deviate from the standard pattern according to factors such as individual differences, and type of fitted models. These non-standard curves, called atypical, resulted from incorrect estimated parameters of the curves; which consist of: continuously increasing or decreasing and reversed standards. This study was conducted to investigate the importance of atypical curves in estimation of 305-day milk production, by fitting two nonlinear models? Wood (empirical) and Pollott (biological), on 7659 and 6692 test-day milk yield of 977 and 776 first calving Iranian Simmental and Jersey cows, during 2007-2020, using R software. Different patterns obtained based on the combination of increasing (b) and decreasing (c) phase parameters of curves. The number of standard curves from the Pollott and Wood models were 85.5% and 62.2% for Simmental, and 83.1% and 70.6% for Jersey cows, respectively. Only continuously increasing curves were observed in both breeds in Pollott model (14.8% and 16.9%, Simmental and Jersey cows, respectively); Whereas in Wood model, all 3 groups of atypical curves were observed, which the reversed standard was the most (22.3% and 16.5%, Simmental and Jersey cows, respectively). Based on the findings, at the time of standardizing the production of dairy cows (national evaluations), not only differences between breeds, but also special attention to the production of atypical curves, should be paid (to correct or discard them).